Should the UK and European States Be Doing More Regarding The US War With Iran?

This article examines whether the US war with Iran poses security concerns for Europe such that European countries should play a more active security role. It argues that the Iran situation carries urgent security-related challenges for Europe with the implication that the UK and other European states should be more active in the theatre. While European countries should avoid becoming entangled in any conflict on the ground in Iran, European countries should stand alongside the US in countering Iranian attacks across the Middle East and ensuring free passage of cargo through the Straits of Hormuz. 

Is Iran a Security Priority for the EU? 

Ostensibly, the Europeans have more immediate issues to worry about than addressing the threats posed by Iran. There is clearly a risk that engagements in the Middle East could distract from European military preparedness to address the threat posed by Russia. European elites may also feel that the current conflict in Iran is the result of President Trump’s withdrawal of the nuclear agreement that the Europeans brokered with Iran in the 2010s – the joint comprehensive plan of action – which many European policymakers viewed as a long-term mechanism for managing the Iranian nuclear issue. They also question the legality of the US action under international law. In Europe there is a strong desire not to get embroiled in another Iraq – a US intervention in the Middle East with questionable legality and which became a long-term drain on defence attention and resources. As a result, European states have largely opted not to be drawn in to the conflict with Iran, although France and the UK are positioning naval assets in the Mediterranean to protect Europe’s southern flank.

The Security Threat Iran Poses to Europe is Not What You May Think

Does Iran pose a security threat to Europe such that urgent European action is required? The answer is yes, but the threat may not be the obvious one. The security challenges posed by Iran do include Iran’s nuclear, missile and UAV capabilities. It also includes Iran’s ability to close the Straits of Hormuz. And finally, it includes Iran’s proxies in the region, which have been much diminished in recent years. But the key security challenge posed by Iran is the possibility of disrupting Europe’s alliance with the United States.

Iran’s nuclear and missile programs evidently pose a theoretical risk to Europe, but the fact that Iran is widely assessed to remain some distance from fielding a deliverable nuclear weapon, which largely nullifies this risk in the near term. Iran’s possession of enough Highly Enriched Uranium (HEU) for around 10 nuclear weapons is a different matter. That material is thought to be buried under a mountain following the US and Israeli air strikes in June 2025. Should intelligence come to light that Iran is working to retrieve this material, it would become an urgent issue to either prevent Iran from retrieving the material.

The UAVs of Iran and its proxies do pose a potential threat to European territories as was seen with the UAV attack on Cyprus reportedly launched by Iranian-aligned actors. But so far that has been an isolated incident. These UAV systems have ranges of roughly 1,000–2,500 km and slow speeds which mitigates the threat they pose to European countries. Iran’s missile program has a longer range and faster speed but its missile forces are now much depleted as a result of the US and Israeli action, and it is not clear why Iran would engage in extensive attacks on European countries in current circumstances. 

Iran’s moves to close the Straits of Hormuz pose a larger and more significant threat to Europe in the form of energy price increases and supply chain disruption. Indeed, given Europe’s historical reliance on imported oil and gas, further disruption to global energy markets would have the potential to significantly increase energy costs in Europe with major economic consequences. At a time when further investment is needed in European defence, the effects of this may be so significant that it affects the potential to increase defence expenditures.

The most significant strategic risk posed by the current crisis is the possibility of creating divisions between Europe and the United States. Any widening of divisions across the Atlantic would therefore weaken the collective deterrent posture of the Western alliance.

The Trump administration has expressed frustration with the limited European response. President Trump has also voiced concerns that NATO allies would not be there for the US if the US needed support for its own security. Thus, while European reticence to become involved in the war with Iran can be justified on both legal grounds and to avoid becoming involved in another conflict in the Middle East while there are more pressing security challenges that Europe now faces, the risk is that by not supporting the US, the Europeans will further strain their relations with the United States.

There will also be those who argue that Europe should distance itself from the US given the unpredictability of the Trump administration. Europeans seem to have been taken by surprise at the launch of US strikes on Iran, for example. However, this view itself is a symptom of the problem that needs to be addressed. The Europeans were largely cut out of the Trump administration negotiations with Iran in 2026, and the US is viewing the European partners as unreliable allies. The result is that the Europeans are not being consulted on key issues. By late February, when the Geneva talks were faltering, why was there no visible European-U.S. coordination on next steps?

What Should the Europeans Do? 

The Europeans need to find a way to contribute to addressing the challenge posed by Iran that avoids being drawn into a broader war with Iran. Three obvious areas come to mind.

First, the Europeans should provide as much capability to counter Iranian aggression in the region as possible without undermining other European security considerations. This should be paired with clear messaging to Iran that further attacks on regional countries are unacceptable and that if they continue European states may join airstrikes to counter Iranian offensive capabilities.

Second, the Europeans should work to assemble a coalition to support the reopening of the Straits of Hormuz as President Trump has called for. Ensuring the free passage of commercial shipping through the Strait of Hormuz is a vital security interest of the Europeans due to its effects on the price of energy and the effects on global supply chains. Contributing to a coalition to reopen the Straits of Hormuz will also go some way to repairing relations with the US.  

Third, the Europeans should engage Iran diplomatically on the possibility of brokering a diplomatic solution which would involve removal of the HEU from Iran — an approach previously discussed in international negotiations as a means of reducing breakout risk. The Europeans led negotiations on the JCPOA with Iran in the 2010s including agreeing caps on Iranian enrichment levels and fissile material stockpiles.

Finally, Europe should take this case as a warning sign of the dangers of being viewed as an unreliable partner in Washington. European leaders need to rebuild relations with Washington such that President Trump is inclined to talk to the Europeans before taking such action in other circumstances in the future.